In the land of the Wakuénai, there was a hole that contained every seed in existence. From this hole, the Creator Iñapirrikuli pulled out all living beings, including Indians and white men. He showed the Indians books and asked them if they wanted them. They answered no. He then showed them bows, arrows, canoes, and blowpipes, and immediately, they said yes. When he pulled out the white men and showed them books, they said yes. It was in this way that he brought each being into the world, asking them what they wanted to be. He gave the animals their colors and songs and thus created the world.

Wakuénai means Wakú-speaking people; their language is of the Arawak family. Wakuénai territories extend into the Amazonian regions of Venezuela, Colombia, and Brazil. In Venezuela, they are concentrated in the Casiquiare district of the state of Amazonas, near the Atabapo, Guainía, and Orinoco rivers. The Wakuénai have lost many of their ancient traditions as new economic necessities have demanded a change in traditional divisions of labor and social hierarchies. Before Wakuénai lived in large communal houses; now criollo-style single-family houses are the norm. Basket weaving used to be practiced exclusively by men. Now, due to commercial demand, women not only produce ornamental and commercial baskets, but have evolved new forms and techniques. Like other ethnic groups of the region, the Wakuénai practiced slash-and-burn agriculture. Cultivation began during the brief dry season between September and October when the river tides had receded. During this season, known as Makwapidania, men selected and cleared the new conucos according to the mythical calendar of Káali, Creator of Yucca. According to tradition, Yucca was planted when the small frog Molitú, son of Káali, began to sing. His croaking signaled the moment when a clearing was to be made and planting was to begin. The Wakuénai believed that agriculture not done in harmony with the natural laws of Káali was difficult and unproductive. Among the Wakuénai, fishing remains an important and fundamentally male activity. The blowguns, bows and arrows, and spears used previously have gradually been replaced by metal hooks, nylon fishing line, bait, guns, and ammunition bought from criollos. Men still fish using the cacure, a woven fishing trap placed near the banks of rivers and channels. For large-scale fishing, the cacure is used in conjunction with barbasco, a toxin placed in the water to stun fish. Surplus fish are often salted or smoked, then sold in the local commerical market. Hunting, also a male activity, requires guile, silence, and absolute control over one's body. The hunter, hidden in the foliage, tries to imitate the sound of the animal he wishes to attract. He must wait patiently, without moving, and resist the discomfort of harsh weather and insect bites. The work of the Wakuénai women work centers around the processing of food. They must carry, peel, grate, and press the bitter yucca; gather wood for fire; and toast the yucca pancakes, known as cassava, over enormous budares. Today, the collection and sale of chiquichique has replaced agriculture as their principal economic activity. In order to collect the fiber which grows on the banks of rivers like the Inírida or the Guainía, the Wakuénai organize expeditions that last several months. An entire family, or at least all of the men, set up camps near the rivers. Collecting the fiber is not a difficult task, but it does require continuity and often precludes the cultivation of land. Since tons of chiquichique must be amassed in order for it to be profitable, a motor and a large curaria are necessary. In addition to the trade in chiquichique, the Wakuénai today make and sell baskets, sebucanes, esteras, and criollo-style hats. Their brooms, used to spread yucca flower over the budare for the preparation of manioc or cassava, are beautifully crafted with chiquichique fibers. In former times, the rainy season marked the Pudáli, the principal Wakuénai ceremonial cycle, which celebrated the beginning of work. It also served to open a symbolic space for the resolution of conflicts between family and friends. At the beginning of the Pudáli, members of one family group would visit another to offer a ritual gift of smoked fish. The organizer of the Pudáli would arrive at the host village accompanied by his relatives as well as musicians, singers, and dancers. After long speeches and as night fell, the receiving host accepted the gift of fish. He placed it in his home and shared it with everyone, hosts and visitors alike the following morning. At night, participants in the ceremony drank large quantities of a fermented yucca drink called padzáoru. As the Kulírrima trumpets sounded, a great bonfire glimmered, and couples participated in a ritual dance that often lasted four days and nights. For the formal closure of the Pudáli several weeks later, the Wakuénai would prepare large amounts of yucca pulp as gifts for the visitors. The closing ceremony was similar to the opening celebration, with dancing, eating, drinking, and playing sacred instruments, but with one important difference. In the closing ceremony, it was the female organizer of the Pudáli who made speeches and accepted gifts. Today, only some of the elders nostalgically recall the practice of the Pudáli. However, the Wakuénai, along with the Baniwa and Warekena, have recently revived the tradition through a collective ritual of music and dance called the Madzéru. This revival is part of the long-term process of cultural consolidation that has occurred as these groups have adapted to new historical circumstances. References L. Domínguez, "Etnología de los Curripaco: una visión general," Revista Montalbán, Universidad Católica Andrés Bello Caracas, 1986. Jonathan D. Hill, Wakuénai Society, Indiana University Press,1983. Jonathan D. Hill, "Wakuénai Ceremonial Exchange in the Venezuelan Northwest Amazon," Journal of Latin American Lore 13, 1987, pp. 183 - 224.